[칼럼] Korea Story 39 - Politics and Election 3  by Atty Jeong-kee  Kim

(NewsKorea=Seoul) Digital News Team =Korea Story 39 - <Politics and Election 3  by Atty Jeong-kee  Kim>

● Eliminate the 586 generation's student activist political forces.

Just before the 2017 election, presidential candidate Moon Jae-in said, "What I most strongly want to do is replace the mainstream forces in our politics," and said, "After a major cleanup of the old system, a replacement for a new system is necessary." Who was the new mainstream force he was talking about? They were the protagonists of the June 1987 uprising that ended military rule in Korea. Immediately after the democratic uprising, the National University Student Representative Council (Jeondaehyup) was formed, and the hegemony was taken over by the NL (National Liberation) faction, a pro-North Korea faction. Afterwards, the 586 movement group, including NL-affiliated Jeondaehyup leaders Lee In-young, Woo Sang-ho, Oh Young-sik, and Lim Jong-seok, worked as 'professional' activists and then joined the Democratic Party. The remaining 586 movement groups mainly devoted themselves to the labor movement and formed the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU) which includes sectoral unions, enterprise unions, etc., the Korean Teachers and Education Workers' Union (KTU), the National Farmers' Association, the National Alliance of the Poor, the Progressive Civic Groups Alliance, and also took up roles as judges in the Woori Law Research Association, the predecessor of the International Human Rights Law Research Association, Minbyun lawyers, lawyers for a Democratic Society, 
think tankers of People's Solidarity for the Participatory Democracy, and professors in the National Professors’ Union. The idea was that these minority groups, who had lived as the political underdogs in Korean society, needed to replace the mainstream.

Let’s briefly look at their political evolution. From 1987, they expanded their influence broadly into labor, education, media, legal fields, and civic groups, rooting themselves throughout society. In 2008, they symbolized the candlelight protests, and caused the Mad Cow Disease incident that threw the initial phase of the Lee Myung-bak administration into chaos. In 2014, they maliciously stirred up national sentiment regarding the Sewol ferry disaster, and in that context, they maximized the damage of the Choi Soon-sil scandal in 2016, leading to the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye in 2017.

In May 2017, the Moon Jae-in administration was born. As expected, the 586 movement activists, as the main force behind the regime change, were the first to seize the Blue House(the Presidential Office) like revolutionary troops. Subsequently, under the name of cleansing the old regime, they placed 'code appointments' in the legislative branch (National Assembly), the executive branch (power agencies and central government departments and affiliated agencies including National Intelligence Service, Prosecutor’s Office, Police Agency, National Tax Service, Fair Trade Commission, Financial Services Commission, etc.), the judicial branch (courts, Constitutional Court), the National Election Commission, the Board of Audit and Inspection, and local governments. The mainstream forces in major government agencies were completely replaced.

Specifically, in the legislative branch, the ruling progressive coalition, including the Democratic Party, exceeded a majority (153 out of 300). Key positions in the judiciary were filled with ideologically strong figures. Out of 14 Supreme Court Justices (including the Chief Justice), 5 were from the Woori Law Research Association and its successor, the International Human Rights Law Research Association, or from Minbyun. During Moon Jae-in’s remaining term, 4 additional progressive figures were appointed, bringing the total to 9 out of 14, well beyond a majority. The Constitutional Court was initially composed of 6 progressive members out of 9. In the executive branch and affiliated agencies, the principle of code appointments was strictly adhered to. Out of 18 central government ministries, 14 were controlled by progressive figures. Nearly all affiliated agencies had parachute appointments. Among the 17 metropolitan mayors, 14 were from the Democratic Party, and among the 17 education superintendents of metropolitan cities and provinces, 14 were revealed to be from the KTU. Even the National Election Commission, which is supposed to be neutral, was seized, with progressive figures appointed to key positions, marking the peak of their dominance.

During Moon Jae-in’s presidency, the public was involuntarily exposed to a frame of ideological warfare, wasting five lost years. The 'new mainstream ruling class' armed itself with a binary worldview of good and evil, and packaged the so-called 'Candlelight Revolution' as a sacred war, seeing themselves as 'crusaders.' They acted like the 'Red Guards' during Mao Zedong's 1968 Cultural Revolution, which set China back by ten years. China actively used the Red Guards to replace the mainstream forces according to Mao Zedong's 'order to bomb the headquarters,' and then, under the name of sending intellectual youths to the countryside, brought the Cultural Revolution to an end. Later, Deng Xiaoping emerged like a resilient figure, rehabilitating the 'old regime' forces persecuted during the Cultural Revolution. These forces played a crucial role in writing the history of China's reform and opening up over 30 years, driving the creation of China’s economic miracle. Xi Jinping, the son of Xi Zhongxun, who was a symbol of the first reform and opening up in Guangdong Province, ascended as 'Emperor' and now leads China. What about Korea? During Moon Jae-in's administration, Korea only witnessed the frenzy of the Korean version of the Red Guards.

The behavior of the new ruling class during Moon Jae-in's regime was nothing short of spectacular. It rotted internally, emitting a stench of corruption and becoming an 'evil' that needed to be eradicated. Nevertheless, there was no self-criticism typical of socialist regimes, and no internal reform movement occurred in the party that formed a large force. The moment came when the illusion and ignorance of the progressive forces among the public were shattered. The result was a regime change.

In May 2022, the Yoon Suk-yeol administration came into power. The historical mission of the new government was to end the era of the new ruling class and open a new era. This was necessary because the 586 movement, which once led the end of military rule, had now become a symbol of vested interest corruption and was thus a target for 'cleaning.' The 586 movement had, over the past 30 years, ingrained itself like a poisonous mushroom in Korea's political and social spheres, committing all sorts of harmful acts. It was not without reason. Let’s examine the targets for eradication.

The first target of eradication is the more than 70 lawmakers from the 586 movement activists concentrated in the Democratic Party. The method for dealing with them is simple. If we re-investigate the cases left unfinished during the Moon Jae-in administration, such as Lime, Optimus, ShillaJen, Eastar Jet, Discovery, and the Ulsan mayoral election interference case, almost all of them will be directly or indirectly involved. Some will face decisive blows to their moral integrity, while others will become fugitives. The Democratic Party will be forced to undergo intense reform movements under public pressure, eventually facing a situation where these individuals will be excluded from the 2024 general election nominations. As a result, the 586 movement’s dominance as a ruling force will naturally decline, and they will exit the political stage.

The second target of eradication includes the leaders of public broadcasting unions such as KBS, MBC, and YTN to manipulate viewers through propaganda, the leadership of the KCTU, which sabotages normal corporate activities, and the leadership of the KTU, which politicizes students under the guise of 'true education.' These organizations’ leaders are all former 586 ideologues and effectively serve as the Korean branch of the North Korean Workers' Party. They engage in various illegal and unlawful activities due to their inherent duplicity, so the National Investigation Agency and the Anti-Corruption and Civil Rights Commission should strengthen their cooperative system to eradicate these activities thoroughly.

The third target of eradication consists of civic groups that, disguised as social enterprises or cooperatives, consume taxpayers’ money and are led by 586 movement members. These groups are cancerous entities undermining South Korea. Proper management and supervision of these civic groups and halting financial support will naturally lead to their demise.

When President Yoon Seok-youl accomplishes this historical task, the normalization of Korea will be achieved. After winning the election, he should have developed a precise scenario during the transition period and, upon taking office, pressed forward like President Kim Young-sam did with the Hanahoe, the One Army faction. Had this been done, the Yoon Seok-youl administration would likely have been significantly stabilized by now. However, assuming that it is based on high political skills and seamless execution, it is not too late. Nowadays, with politics being absent and only the subordinate concept of the rule of law being insufficient to achieve results, President Yoon must undergo a revolutionary change as a politician. If it is difficult for him to change himself, he should either diligently seek a competent political figure or accept seasoned political advisors to create a decision-making body based on strategic thinking.

☆ Author:  Atty Jeong-kee Kim ☆

● Education
- Bachelor of Arts in Political Science, Summa Cum Laude, State University of New York at Stony Brook
-  Doctor of Jurisprudence, Marquette University Law School
- Senior Executive Program, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University
- Research Scholar in North Korean Studies, Peking University

● Experience
- Consul General of the Republic of Korea in Shanghai
- Commissioner General for the Korean Pavilion at the 2010 Shanghai Expo
- CEO, Asia-Pacific Local Government Network for Economic and Social Development (CityNet)
- Secretary General, World Smart Sustainable Cities Organization(WeGO)
- Law Clerk, Milwaukee Circuit Court, USA
- Senior Attorney-at-Law, Dr & Aju LLC
- Distinguished Visiting Professor, World Economy Research Institute, Nanjing University
- Research Professor, Institute of Oriental Studies, Peking University
- Distinguished Professor, Graduate School of Political Science, Kookmin University
- Chair Professor, Graduate School of Business, Dongguk University
- First President of Soongsil Cyber University

● Publications
- Georo English Studies Series for College Students [10 volumes] (Georo Publishing)
- I Challenge the Possibility of One Percent (Chosun Ilbo)
- The Art of Negotiation (Cheongnyonneongsin Publishing)
- Korea and the World (Chekmidum Publishing)