편집자 주     본지에서는 전세계 외국인 독자들을 대상으로 한국의 역사와 문화를 정확하게 소개하기 위해 김정기 변호사의 칼럼을 영문판으로 연재를 시작합니다.

한국의 역사와 문화에 관심있는 전 세계인들에게 도움이 되길 바랍니다.

한국어 독자들은 한국어로 번역된 화면이 보이므로 반드시 사이트 상단에서 원문보기로 설정하셔야 영문판으로 보실수 있습니다.
 

 


 

☆김정기 총장 주요 약력☆
 
● 학력
- 뉴욕주립대학교(StonyBrook) 정치학과 수석졸업
- 마케트대학교(Marquette) 로스쿨 법학박사
- 하버드대학교(Harvard) 케네디스쿨 최고위과정
- 베이징대학교(Peking) 북한학 연구학자

 
● 경력
- 제8대 주상하이 대한민국 총영사(13등급 대사)
- 2010 상하이엑스포 대한민국관 정부대표
- 아시아태평양지방정부네트워크(CityNet) 사무국 대표
- 세계스마트시티기구(WeGO) 사무국 사무총장
- 밀워키지방법원 재판연구원 
- 법무법인 대륙아주 중국 총괄 미국변호사
- 난징대학교 국제경제연구소 객좌교수
- 베이징대학교 동방학연구원 연구교수
- 국민대학교 정치대학원 특임교수
- 동국대학교 경영전문대학원 석좌교수
- 숭실사이버대학교 초대 총장

 
● 저서
- 대학생을 위한 거로영어연구[전10권](거로출판사)
- 나는 1%의 가능성에 도전한다(조선일보사)
- 한국형 협상의 법칙(청년정신사)
- 대한민국과 세계 이야기(도서출판 책미듬)

(NewsKorea=Seoul) Digital News Team = Korea Story 43 - <Politics and Election 7  by Atty Jeong-kee Kim>

● Path Forward for the People Power Party in 2024 *authored on July 23, 2024.

In the ruling party, the president functions as the de facto party leader, akin to an owner-chairman in a corporation, while the party leader acts as a secretary general representing the president. Therefore, it is the fate of the party leader to coordinate with the president. However, as the president and their close aides may not have a background in politics, they might overlook nuanced political judgments. In such cases, the party leader must have the courage to offer frank advice if it is deemed necessary for the good of the party and the nation.

The party leader should mediate and provide solutions to the conflicts between different factions. It is natural for various voices to emerge in a political organization like a party. The party leader must actively engage and integrate these diverse groups to create a melting pot within the party. Given that the president’s background in politics might limit flexibility, the party leader should demonstrate exceptional negotiation skills to achieve both internal unity and external integration when needed. While the rule of law can be enforced through 'small-scale inspection,' politics requires a 'large-scale view.' This means overcoming complex conflicts and tensions.

Historically, conservative parties have often exhibited unrestrained power abuse by a single party leader, without a democratic decision-making process. The ethics committee have been used as tools for political purges, the Supreme Council has been turned into a showpiece, and the Yeouido Research Institute has become a personal research lab for the party leader. During the nomination season, the process deteriorates into chaos. All these issues stem from the party leader prioritizing personal interests over public service. The party has unfortunately repeated behaviors resembling autocratic practices, despite claiming to be a democratic party. This is embarrassing. The opportunity should be seized to reform from head to toe, much like the successful Meiji Restoration, to eradicate outdated and pre-modern elements and transform into a system-oriented, advanced democratic party that can proudly represent itself on the global stage. Below are the four key reform tasks for the People Power Party.

First, the nomination system needs to be modernized.
Historically, when nomination season arrives, the party leadership steps back, and the nomination committee indiscriminately purges vested interests. While public demand for renewal is significant, the process has often been arbitrary. Instead of having a system to identify and manage talent, the temporary leadership, with an average lifespan of around one year, has used the nomination committee to exceed the party's rules. This often results in a nomination strategy driven by personal gain rather than merit. As a result, the party has struggled to find high-quality talents who can simultaneously demonstrate strategic, policy, and organizational skills. To prevent such unfortunate events from recurring, a nomination system that is predictable, transparent, and acceptable to the public must be established. The best solution can be found by asking the electorate.

Second, the party's secretariat should be streamlined to maximize efficiency.
The secretariat has become an inefficient, money-draining entity. At some point, the party staff became the de facto owners of the party. Originally, the true owners were the party members, and those who were granted authority by them were the elected members of the National Assembly and the defeated district committee chairs. Moreover, the staff has become oversized. Current party staff, having grown up without learning from the skilled predecessors who moved to government positions, have developed poor job performance. Staff members, lacking competence, only receive high salaries. Consequently, the party's finances have deteriorated. A bold restructuring based on merit is necessary. Additionally, senior staff trained at the central party should be strategically appointed to proportional representation seats or local council positions in the People Power Party's core areas to strengthen organizational capabilities and develop them as candidates for local leadership roles.

Third, the Yeouido Research Institute should undergo major reform to enhance its strategic policy capabilities.
The Yeouido Research Institute, which should function as a think tank, has degenerated into a polling organization, reflecting the party's diminished status. The expectation of it becoming a policy powerhouse has become a legend. Compared to institutions like the Heritage Foundation in the US, the Yeouido Research Institute is in a pitiful state. The practice of misusing government subsidies must be eliminated. The institute currently has only about ten competent researchers, with retired senior staff merely drawing salaries or serving as close aides to the party leader. For the Yeouido Research Institute to develop proper policies and strategies, independence is crucial to prevent it from becoming a tool of the party leader. Additionally, inviting an external director with a minimum four-year term, renewable once, would allow the recruitment of competent individuals. By ending the practice of budget misappropriation and stopping the refuge function for retired staff, the institute can attract skilled researchers. If more researchers are needed, proportional representation members’ assistants with PhDs could be assigned to the institute. Typically, such members are less relevant to the party and contribute little, so this approach would be appropriate.

Fourth, the system of district committees should be introduced to strengthen the party’s organizational capacity nationwide.
Outside of regions like Yeongnam, Chungcheong, and some parts of Gangwon, most local party committees are led by district committee chairs. Appointing a district committee chairman for these party branches, making them ex officio Supreme Council members, and providing them with office space, budgets, and staff support is necessary. These district chairs often maintain their branches at their own expense and are frequently discarded once elections approach. The fundamental reason for a party's existence is to gain power. District committee chairs are the field commanders in the electoral battle for power. Who is defending the People Power Party’s frozen ground in the capital region? They should be respected as valuable leadership resources. Identifying and developing outstanding leaders among them should be part of the strategy. The Yeouido Research Institute, Party Policy Committee, and National Assembly Committees should actively utilize their expertise. Additionally, creating mini-party structures with Yeongnam, Chungcheong, Gangwon, and capital region district chairs for mutual exchanges can strengthen organizational capacities and policy expertise. Financial support for district committees, especially in the capital region, should be prioritized. Since district committees currently lack legal status, they are in a gray area of legality and cannot receive financial support from the central party. A revolutionary reform to give them legal status similar to previous district offices is necessary. This would enable support for office rent, staff salaries, and other expenses from the central party. If legal changes are difficult, at least the party dues from party members should be used to fund various committees under the district representatives and assign roles to district chairs, ensuring that these funds return entirely to the branches. It is not about distributing enormous government subsidies received by the central party.

☆ Author:  Atty Jeong-kee Kim ☆

● Education
- Bachelor of Arts in Political Science, Summa Cum Laude, State University of New York at Stony Brook
-  Doctor of Jurisprudence, Marquette University Law School
- Senior Executive Program, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University
- Research Scholar in North Korean Studies, Peking University

● Experience
- Consul General of the Republic of Korea in Shanghai
- Commissioner General for the Korean Pavilion at the 2010 Shanghai Expo
- CEO, Asia-Pacific Local Government Network for Economic and Social Development (CityNet)
- Secretary General, World Smart Sustainable Cities Organization(WeGO)
- Law Clerk, Milwaukee Circuit Court, USA
- Senior Attorney-at-Law, Dr & Aju LLC
- Distinguished Visiting Professor, World Economy Research Institute, Nanjing University
- Research Professor, Institute of Oriental Studies, Peking University
- Distinguished Professor, Graduate School of Political Science, Kookmin University
- Chair Professor, Graduate School of Business, Dongguk University
- First President of Soongsil Cyber University

● Publications
- Georo English Studies Series for College Students [10 volumes] (Georo Publishing)
- I Challenge the Possibility of One Percent (Chosun Ilbo)
- The Art of Negotiation (Cheongnyonneongsin Publishing)
- Korea and the World (Chekmidum Publishing)